It has been claimed that within a language, morphologically irregular words are more likely to be phonotactically simple and morphologically regular words are more likely to be phonotactically complex. This inverse correlation has been demonstrated in English for a small sample of words, but has yet to be shown for a larger sample of languages. Furthermore, frequency and word length are known to influence both phonotactic complexity and morphological irregularity, and they may be confounding factors in this relationship. Therefore, we examine the relationships between all pairs of these four variables both to assess the robustness of previous findings using improved methodology and as a step towards understanding the underlying causal relationship. Using information-theoretic measures of phonotactic complexity and morphological irregularity (Pimentel et al., 2020; Wu et al., 2019) on 25 languages from UniMorph, we find that there is evidence of a positive relationship between morphological irregularity and phonotactic complexity within languages on average, although the direction varies within individual languages. We also find weak evidence of a negative relationship between word length and morphological irregularity that had not been previously identified, and that some existing findings about the relationships between these four variables are not as robust as previously thought.

Received wisdom in linguistic typology holds that if the structure of a language becomes more complex in one dimension, it will simplify in another, building on the assumption that all languages are equally complex (Joseph and Newmeyer, 2012). We study this claim on a micro-level, using a tightly-controlled sample of Dutch dialects (across 366 collection sites) and Min dialects (across 60 sites), which enables a more fair comparison across varieties. Even at the dialect level, we find empirical evidence for a tradeoff between word length and a computational measure of phonotactic complexity from a LSTM-based phone-level language model-a result previously documented only at the language level. A generalized additive model (GAM) shows that dialects with low phonotactic complexity concentrate around the capital regions, which we hypothesize to correspond to prior hypotheses that language varieties of greater or more diverse populations show reduced phonotactic complexity. We also experiment with incorporating the auxiliary task of predicting syllable constituency, but do not find an increase in the negative correlation observed.